“Sesungguhnya orang yang paling baik yang kamu ambil untuk bekerja ialah yang kuat lagi amanah” (Surah al-Qasas:26). (Surah an-Nisa’ ayat 58)
26 April, 2013
APABILA SANG PENGUASA LUPA ASALNYA ...
SUNGGUH HAIRAN SAYA, APA BAH SEBALIK SEMUA INI, sabar saja tapi 10 panadol sakit kepala saya ini memikirkannya kenapa ya..... Bila ayahanda bercerita peristiwa di kubur simpang empat semalam, waduh2 ku kata, ke tahap itu rupanya dia lupa, baru ku faham... kamu fikir sendirilah ungkapan berikut:
" Saya tidak peduli, sesiapa yang HITAM maka HITAMLAH lepas pilihan raya langsung saya tidak peduli sampai bila2..."
Kamu fahamkah maksudnya, ini sebenarnya kiasan bisa, tapi dia terlupa sepatutnya di mana dilafazkan SEBENARNYA BUKAN MELAMBANGKAN sifat sebenar seorang PEMIMPIN BERJIWA RAKYAT, TETAPI BERJIWA DIKTATOR, MAKA BENARLAH, SANG PENCINTA KUASA INI 'GERENTI' BERKUASA SEMULA', KAMU INGIN TAHU KENAPA, INILAH LUAHAN DARI KEWARASAN FIKIRAN LOGIK AKAL SANG PEMUDA YANG BINGUNG DENGAN KEMUNAFIKAN POLITIK yang DIJAJAH SANG PENGUASA INI:
- YAKINNYA DIA KERANA : PENGUNDI YANG TIDAK FAHAM LEBIH BANYAK DARIPADA YANG FAHAM APA HIDDEN AGENDA DIA.
- YAKINNYA DIA KERANA MUDAHNYA RAKYAT INI DIBELI DENGAN UPLOAD GAMBAR ORG MISKIN, UNGKAPAN TOLONG SAUDARA, UNGKAPAN ORANG SUSAH, DAN KEHADIRANNYA DI MAJLIS2 KENDURI SAUDARA, KENAIKANNYA KONON DIZAMAN DULUKALA ADALAH ATAS USAHANYA... DI MAJLIS SUSAH ORANG MENINGGAL, DAN SEGALA NI BARA DIN LABUAN...
- YAKNNYA DIA KERANA MUDAHNYA TERBANGKIT PERASAAN MARAH RAKYAT BILA DILAGA2KAN DI ANTARA SESAMA BANGSA DENGAN ISU-ISU SENTIMEN TIDAK BERFAKTA, ISU LAPOK ZAMAN-BERZAMAN YANG DIA HUJAHKAN PENUH 'KERENDAHAN' KONONNYA. KERANA DIA TAHU RAMAI LAGI YANG TERBELI DENGAN HUJAHNYA, DIA TIDAK PEDULI APA, YANG PENTING DIA TERUS MEMERINTAH.
- YAKINNYA DIA JIKA ADA SEDIKIT MAJORITINYA TERGANGGU TERUTAMA DIKALANGAN SAUDARANYA, DIA AKAN BELI DENGAN KUASA WANG NTAH DARI MANA DATANGNYA... ANTARA PERNIAGAANNYA YG DIA 'JUAL2' DALAM CERITANYA ATAU DARI 'BACKUP' POLITIK DI ATAS SANA BAGI MEMASTIKAN GABUNGAN MEREKA SENTIASA MENGHANCURKAN TANAH SABAH...
Saya berani ini kerana saya sudah cuba berbagai cara untuk membuktikan kesahihan atas kajian saya berdasarkan hujah saya berdepan sendiri dengan siSang Penguasa ini, dari aspek ekonomi, sejarah dan juga yang didengari dari mulut-mulut bukan sahaja dari orang-orang di kedai kopi tapi dari saudara terdekat sendiri.. Saya tidak fahamlah bagaimana istilah saudara terdekat pada SANG PENGUASA ini, itu kena tanya dia sendiri.
BANGKITLAH SEMUA SAUDARA-SAUDARA KU, SAMADA DARI SUKU KAUM SAMA, IRANUN, BANJAR, SULUK, DAN LAIN-LAIN KERANA KITA INI SAMA SAHAJA, SAHABAT2KU DARI SUKU KAUM KDM JANGANLAH TERBELI DENGAN HUJAH RAPUHNYA, YANG LEBIH KEPADA SENTIMEN PECAH -BELAH. SANGGUPKAH KAMU MEMBENARKAN KEHANCURAN GENERASI ANAK DAN CUCU KITA INI... JIKA PUN KAMU BENAR INGIN DIA MEMERINTAH SEMULA, TANYAKAN DIA SENDIRI SEMASA KEMPENNYA, KIRANYA BENAR DIA DAPAT MEMBALAS HUJAH DENGAN FAKTA DAN KEWARASAN AKAL DAN LOGIK ANDA, UNDILAH DIA, SAYA PUN SOKONG KIRANYA BENAR DIA DAPAT MENJAWAB DAN MEMBALAS SOALAN SAUDARA2KU DAN SAHABAT2KU SEMUA.
BAGI SAYA INI BUKAN PASAL PARTI MANA, KALAU DI HUJAH PAMPLET YANG DITABUR SAYA BOLEH BAHASKAN BERSAMA, TAPI INI BUKANLAH PENYELESAIAN BAGI SAYA SAMADA BN ATAU PR, TETAPI SIFAT SANG PENGUASA INILAH SEBENARNYA YANG MENGHANCURKAN NAMA2 INDAH DALAM SEJARAH KITA DI KOTA BELUD INI. CUBA TANYA, ADAKAH BENAR GAJI SETIAP DUA MINGGU PEKERJA-PEKERJA JELAPANG PADI DIBAYAR, HAKIKATNYA TIDAK, TAPI BOLEH BERHUTANG DAN POTONG GAJI KERANA KONONYNA DUIT TIADA, TAPI BILA DILIHAT DARI SUDUT INILAH ISTILAH DIBERI GULA-GULA, LEPAS TU MENARIK UNDI DENGAN GERTAK DIALAH YANG MEMBANTU KEHIDUPAN SIPEKERJA,
KALAU TIDAK, SURUH DIA NYATAKAN SEJELAS-JELASNYA, SIAPA ORANG MISKIN DIKAMPUNG-KAMPUNG KAMU YANG DIBANTUNYA, YANG TERSENARAI DALAM E-KASIH, PROGRAM 1AZAM JENIS APA YANG DIBERI DIKAMPUNG KAMU, MACAMMANA KONONNYA MENINGKATKAN EKONOMI DAN MEMBANTU ORANG MISKIN TERKELUAR DARI STATISTIK MISKIN TEGAR SEPERTI YANG DIJUAL DI SURAT -KHABAR.. TIDAK PERLU KITA HUJAHKAN SELURUH SABAH, PERINGKAT DUN TEMPASUK SAHAJA CUKUP SUDAH.
SAYA PENUH YAKIN DIA TIDAK DAPAT MENJAWABNYA, KERANA DIA GUNA CARA KUNO UNTUK TERUS PASTIKAN DIA BERKUASA, ITULAH MENJAWAB SOALAN SAYA SENDIRI BERHADAPANNYA HINGGA SUBUH TIBA, YANG MISKIN HINA INI KITA BAGI DUIT SAHAJA KATANYA, YANG MELAWAN TU KASIH BIAR SAHAJA SEBAB LEPAS PILIHANRAYA - HANYA DARI TELEFON SAHAJA BISA MENGESAHKAN PERLU DIBANTU KAH ORANG SUSAH ITU, KALAU STATUS HITAM, MAKA BERBELI2LAH JAWAPAN DIA BAGI MEMASTIKAN SI OANG SUSAH TIDAK DAPAT 'HAK'NYA - ALLAHUAKBAR.... BETAPA SAKIT HATIKU DENGAN SANG PENGUASA INI, JELAS TERBAYANG INILAH HAKIKATNYA BERLAKU PULA SELAMA INI, DIKAMOUNGKU SENDIRI KOTA KERANJANGAN BUKTI SEGALA... TAKBIR....
BANTUAN KERAJAAN ITU TIDAK DIHURAIKANNYA, YANG BELIA PULA KENA BERUSAHA SENDIRI.... SAYA TANYA MCMMANA? DIA BALAS MENCERITAKAN ZAMAN KENAIKANNYA KONONNYA MULA DENGAN 'PIRATE' KAMPUNG2 SAHAJA, TIADA BANTUAN, BILA SAYA KATA GADAI TANAH KAH MODALNYA MEMBUKA BISNES KAYUNYA, TERUS DIA HEMPAS MEJA, DAN PANAS PULA, BUKAN DIA KATANYA.. ENTAHLAH FAKTA KAH AUTA, SAYA TIDAK PEDULI ITU SEMUA JIKA BENAR ALHAMDULILLAH YANG SAYA BAHASKAN KEADAAN SEMASA, YANG LOGIKNYA PENGALAMAN SAYA DI MALAYA SANA SUNGGUH JAUH BERBEZA, ORANG KAMPUNG DIBERI PANCING BUKAN IKAN ATAU GULA-GULA... INILAH SAYA ISTILAH KAN 'PENGHAMBAAN' ZAMAN MODEN.
SAYA INI INGIN MEMBANTU UNTUK MASUK KEMPEN AKAN KEJATUHANNYA, TAPI APAKAN DAYA SAYA INI ORANG SUSAH BAH, JALAN KAKI SAHAJA INI, TAPI TIDAK APA, SAYA IKHLAS MEMBUKA KEPADA PARTI MANA2 SAHAJA, SEBAB PARTI CAP AYAM INI BELUM LAGI REGISTER..... PM SAHAJA SAYA, SEMUA ADA... Yang penting dia tidak memerintah... usahlah terbeli dengan hujahnya... kerana ini hanya menghancurkan kita semua.
TAKBIR, ALLAHUAKBAR...
- MOHD ASRAFIE BIN AMDIN -PARTI CAP AYAM
18 April, 2013
MENILAI KEWAJARAN DSSK DI BERI PELUANG TERAKHIR DALAM MEMENUHI ASPIRASI PEMIMPIN YANG MENDOKONG PERUBAHAN KOTA BELUD.
“Tanggungjawab rakyat dan kepimpinan yang memiliki kuasa untuk memastikan bahawa jawatan yang menentukan hala tuju masyarakat dan umat itu tidak akan jatuh melainkan ke tangan mereka yang benar-benar layak. Jangan jatuh ke tangan yang berkemampuan dan wibawa, tapi tidak amanah. Jangan juga jatuh ke tangan yang amanah, tapi tidak berkemampuan melaksanakan bebanan tugas. “- Dr. MAZA - Tanggungjawab Mencari Pengganti Yang Berwibawa
PERJUANGAN BARU BERMULA
“Ketika penyandang Kota Belud Datuk Abdul Rahman Dahlan menerima sorakan paling gemuruh ketika diumumkan mempertahankan kerusinya, rakannya Datuk Ronald Kiandee tidak begitu beruntung... “, sumber dari Sabah Daily - Siapa sorak ‘bu’ di pengumuman calon bn-umno
MENDALAMI PERJALANAN SEJARAH POLITIK DAN KEPIMPINAN DSSK
- LATARBELAKANG:
DSSK mendapat Ijazah Sarjana Muda dalam Sains Politik dari Universiti Simon Fraser, Kanada. Berdasarkan prinsip beliau "Pantang bagi saya mencari alasan untuk mencuba ", beliau terus menimba ilmu Ijazah Master Sains dalam bidang Politik dan Kerajaan dari Universiti Putra Malaysia dan akhirnya memperolehi Doktor Falsafah dalam bidang Politik dan Kerajaan baru-baru ini.
- Antara Pengalaman Pentadbiran
- Pegawai Daerah -
- berumur 26 tahun
- DUN USUKAN
- - 2 term (sebagai rujukan Datuk Musbah Jamli memasuki term 3)
- Ketua Menteri
- Pegawai Daerah -
- berumur 26 tahun
- DUN USUKAN
- - 2 term (sebagai rujukan Datuk Musbah Jamli memasuki term 3)
- Ketua Menteri
PENCAPAIAN SEMASA MEMEGANG JAWATAN KETUA MENTERI DALAM TEMPOH 17 BULAN
- Saya pasti tohmahan seperti "Dia pernah sudah jadi CM tapi apa yang dia pernah lakukan" pernah terlintas di pendengaran kita namun saya berpendapat dan pasti anda semua juga bersetuju bahawa tempoh yang tidak sampai 18 bulan bukanlah satu penanda ukur yang baik dalam menilai pencapaian DSSK sebagai pemegang jawatan "CM".
- Walaubagaimanapun, saya melihat DSSK telah menggunakan ruang 18 bulan yang diberikan itu dengan sepenuhnya dan apabila merenung kembali akan sorotan sejarah pentadbiran DSSK sebagai CM, saya terpanggil untuk me'refresh' memori kita bersama dengan mengimbas kembali pencapaian DSSK seperti yang berikut:
- First step !!: Mac 1995: Pembentukan JHEAINS
Datuk Haji Salleh Said Keruak mengumumkan penubuhan Jabatan Hal Ehwal Agama Islam Negeri Sabah (JHEAINS), yang akan bertanggungjawab bagi hal ehwal Islam di negeri ini. Ia akan diketuai oleh seorang pengarah dan akan diletakkan di bawah bidang kuasa Jabatan Ketua Menteri. Bercakap pada majlis perjumpaan Hari Raya di timur bandar pantai Kunak, Salleh berkata pembentukan Jain akan memberikan negeri ini dengan dasar yang jelas mengenai pelaksanaan atau penguatkuasaan undang-undang atau peraturan yang menyentuh Islam. Pembentukannya tidak akan menanggung perbelanjaan yang besar dan tidak akan buat salinan fungsi Majlis Agama Islam Negeri (Muis) sejak Jain akan menyerap sebahagian besar kakitangan, katanya. "Fungsi-bijak, Muis akan terus menjadi sebuah badan yang menggubal dasar manakala Jain akan menjadi agensi penguat kuasa itu." Dengan penciptaan Jain, Unit Hal Ehwal Islam yang dicipta oleh bekas kerajaan negeri pada tahun 1993 dan diketuai oleh ADUN dicalonkan Datuk Ahmad Bahrom Titingan, dengan status menteri, akan wujud lagi. Ahmad Bahrom, Ketua bekas Timbalan Menteri di Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS) kerajaan, namun meninggalkan parti itu dan menyertai Umno selepas kejatuhan PBS. Beliau kini merupakan Ketua Projek, juga dengan kedudukan menteri. - sumber: keruak.com
- 24 Mac 1995: Pelan Pembangunan
Kerajaan Sabah telah merangka pelan pembangunan ekonomi yang komprehensif 15 tahun di negeri ini, Ketua Menteri, Datuk Haji Salleh Said Keruak berkata. Beliau berkata pelan itu, yang dikenali sebagai Rancangan Jangka Panjang (RRJP) bagi Sabah, akan dilancarkan tidak lama lagi. Ia akan memberi tumpuan kepada sektor-sektor yang boleh mempercepatkan pembangunan ekonomi di negeri ini seperti kayu, sektor perindustrian dan pertanian. "Saya rasa sudah tiba masanya untuk kita mempunyai pelan pembangunan seperti OPP (1995 hingga 2010) supaya orang akan tahu arah mana ekonomi negeri diketuai," katanya kepada pemberita selepas merasmikan dewan pelbagai guna yang Sekolah menengah Kian Kok, Kota Kinabalu. Beliau berkata tempoh 15 tahun adalah untuk menyelaraskan pelan negeri dengan peringkat kebangsaan Kedua RRJP, yang akan berakhir pada tahun 2010.
- MENAIKTARAF JALANRAYA PESISIR PANTAI DARI KOTA KINABALU – KOTA BELUD -
Umum mengetahui bahawa DSSK adalah 'perancang utama dalam membantu memendekkan perjalanan di antara Kota Kinabalu dan Kota Belud. Kalau dulu, lebih kurang 3 jam masa yang diperlukan untuk sampai ke Bandar Kota Kinabalu dari Pekan Kota Belud tetapi dengan adanya 'Lebuhraya' versi dulu-dulu ini, banyak memudahkan dan menghidupkan kesan-kesan hiliran yang positif yang secara tidak langsung meningkatkan EKONOMI penduduk dan membantu meningkatkan pendapatan rakyat Kota Belud. Ini realiti yang pasti dan bukti dari pernyataan berikut menyatakan akan kebenaran ini. 18 bulan ONLY....
In the United States, the importance of transportation facilities to the nation's economic strength and efficiency is generally accepted. A fundamental requirement of manufacturers is to distribute their products to appropriate markets quickly and inexpensively; people must be able to get to work and to conduct business. And as illustrated by recent disasters -- flooding along the Mississippi and Missouri rivers and the Northridge earthquake in California -- any significant disruption in the movement of goods or people economically impacts a great number of businesses and huge population groups. This recognized link between transportation and economic development continues to justify significant public expenditures in transportation systems at the local, state, and federal levels. Nevertheless, many of the intuitive relationships are not analytically established. source: The Impact of Highway Infrastructure on Economic Performance - http://fhwa.dot.gov/
- First step !!: Mac 1995: Pembentukan JHEAINS
- Datuk Haji Salleh Said Keruak mengumumkan penubuhan Jabatan Hal Ehwal Agama Islam Negeri Sabah (JHEAINS), yang akan bertanggungjawab bagi hal ehwal Islam di negeri ini. Ia akan diketuai oleh seorang pengarah dan akan diletakkan di bawah bidang kuasa Jabatan Ketua Menteri. Bercakap pada majlis perjumpaan Hari Raya di timur bandar pantai Kunak, Salleh berkata pembentukan Jain akan memberikan negeri ini dengan dasar yang jelas mengenai pelaksanaan atau penguatkuasaan undang-undang atau peraturan yang menyentuh Islam. Pembentukannya tidak akan menanggung perbelanjaan yang besar dan tidak akan buat salinan fungsi Majlis Agama Islam Negeri (Muis) sejak Jain akan menyerap sebahagian besar kakitangan, katanya. "Fungsi-bijak, Muis akan terus menjadi sebuah badan yang menggubal dasar manakala Jain akan menjadi agensi penguat kuasa itu." Dengan penciptaan Jain, Unit Hal Ehwal Islam yang dicipta oleh bekas kerajaan negeri pada tahun 1993 dan diketuai oleh ADUN dicalonkan Datuk Ahmad Bahrom Titingan, dengan status menteri, akan wujud lagi. Ahmad Bahrom, Ketua bekas Timbalan Menteri di Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS) kerajaan, namun meninggalkan parti itu dan menyertai Umno selepas kejatuhan PBS. Beliau kini merupakan Ketua Projek, juga dengan kedudukan menteri. - sumber: keruak.com
- 24 Mac 1995: Pelan Pembangunan
Kerajaan Sabah telah merangka pelan pembangunan ekonomi yang komprehensif 15 tahun di negeri ini, Ketua Menteri, Datuk Haji Salleh Said Keruak berkata. Beliau berkata pelan itu, yang dikenali sebagai Rancangan Jangka Panjang (RRJP) bagi Sabah, akan dilancarkan tidak lama lagi. Ia akan memberi tumpuan kepada sektor-sektor yang boleh mempercepatkan pembangunan ekonomi di negeri ini seperti kayu, sektor perindustrian dan pertanian. "Saya rasa sudah tiba masanya untuk kita mempunyai pelan pembangunan seperti OPP (1995 hingga 2010) supaya orang akan tahu arah mana ekonomi negeri diketuai," katanya kepada pemberita selepas merasmikan dewan pelbagai guna yang Sekolah menengah Kian Kok, Kota Kinabalu. Beliau berkata tempoh 15 tahun adalah untuk menyelaraskan pelan negeri dengan peringkat kebangsaan Kedua RRJP, yang akan berakhir pada tahun 2010.
- MENAIKTARAF JALANRAYA PESISIR PANTAI DARI KOTA KINABALU – KOTA BELUD -
Umum mengetahui bahawa DSSK adalah 'perancang utama dalam membantu memendekkan perjalanan di antara Kota Kinabalu dan Kota Belud. Kalau dulu, lebih kurang 3 jam masa yang diperlukan untuk sampai ke Bandar Kota Kinabalu dari Pekan Kota Belud tetapi dengan adanya 'Lebuhraya' versi dulu-dulu ini, banyak memudahkan dan menghidupkan kesan-kesan hiliran yang positif yang secara tidak langsung meningkatkan EKONOMI penduduk dan membantu meningkatkan pendapatan rakyat Kota Belud. Ini realiti yang pasti dan bukti dari pernyataan berikut menyatakan akan kebenaran ini. 18 bulan ONLY....
In the United States, the importance of transportation facilities to the nation's economic strength and efficiency is generally accepted. A fundamental requirement of manufacturers is to distribute their products to appropriate markets quickly and inexpensively; people must be able to get to work and to conduct business. And as illustrated by recent disasters -- flooding along the Mississippi and Missouri rivers and the Northridge earthquake in California -- any significant disruption in the movement of goods or people economically impacts a great number of businesses and huge population groups. This recognized link between transportation and economic development continues to justify significant public expenditures in transportation systems at the local, state, and federal levels. Nevertheless, many of the intuitive relationships are not analytically established. source: The Impact of Highway Infrastructure on Economic Performance - http://fhwa.dot.gov/
MENILAI DSSK DENGAN ISTILAH "ORANG LAMA" DAN KEPERLUAN PIMPINAN BARU PASCA PRU-13 DAN MENJELANG WAWASAN 2020
Berdasarkan pemerhatian saya, perubahan corak pemikiran masyarakat Kota Belud terhadap 'demand' politik yang lebih matang berlandaskan 3 faktor utama seperti berikut:
- kelembapan pertumbuhan ekonomi setempat yang memperlihatkan ketidakseimbangan antara kos sara hidup yang kian meningkat tidak seiring dengan punca pendapatan masyarakat KB meskipun banyak program pembangunan kerajaan telah laksanakan
- suara generasi 'x' dan 'y'
- akses media alternatif - media sosial
- Karakter : Karisma, Bijak berhujah,
- Sifat-sifat wajib
- Kematangan Pengalaman
- Politik
- Pengurusan Pentadbiran yang cekap
- Kekuatan Ekonomi
Ramai orang bertanyakan sama ada DSSK sudah 'berubah' . Bagi saya, AKALnya Manusia memang BERUBAH, Tiada yang KEKAL didunia ini melainkan BERUBAH dan BERUBAH itu adalah satu-satunya yang KEKAL di dunia ini. Kepada pengundi-pengundi DUN N.08 - USUKAN, antara lain tips mengundi anda pada PRU13 adalah seperti berikut:
- Kepada "Orang Lama - Buangkan yang keruh dan ambil yang jernih, buangkan sikap buruk sangka dan anggapan negatif.
- Kepada Generasi Muda - undi anda perlulah berlandaskan kepada pemerhatian dan hukum akal anda, akses maklumat terbuka untuk anda menilai sendiri akan gosip-gosip yang anda dengar akan calon-calon yang bertanding.
Saya secara peribadi berpandangan dan positif DSSK berubah ke arah kebaikan kerana bila direnungi tiada apa yang dicari oleh beliau lagi sebagai seorang pemimpin seperti HARTA & PANGKAT melainkan CABARAN UTAMA TERHADAP DIRI BELIAU SENDIRI IAITU MEWARISI KEPIMPINAN SEPERTI ARWAH AYAHNYA - TUN SAID dengan membantu rakyat KB melahirkan generasi yang BERWIBAWA. BERILMU DAN BERWAWASAN. Semua ini hanya harapan dan terpulang kepada DSSK untuk membuktikannya sekiranya diberi kepercayaan untuk menerajui DUN Usukan.
MARILAH BANGUN BERSAMA MASYARAKAT KOTA BELUD TERUTAMANYA DARI SUKU SAMA, KDM DAN IRANUN untuk MENZAHIRKAN pembangunan Kota Belud bersama-sama. APA LAGI!! BILA LAGI!!! PEMIMPIN KITA SUDAH TERPILIH...
15 April, 2013
RAMALAN CALON P169 - N07-TEMPASUK, N08 - KADAMAIAN - N09 - USUKAN
Kawasan Usukan N. 9 - Datuk Sri Panglima Dr. Salleh Said Keruak.
11 April, 2013
Five ways technology can help the economy
Pada masa pertumbuhan perlahan dan ketidaktentuan yang berterusan, banyak negara sedang mencari dasar-dasar yang akan merangsang pertumbuhan dan mewujudkan peluang pekerjaan baru. Teknologi maklumat dan komunikasi (ICT) bukan sahaja salah satu industri yang paling pesat berkembang - secara langsung mewujudkan berjuta-juta pekerjaan - tetapi ia juga merupakan penggerak penting dalam inovasi dan pembangunan.
Jumlah langganan mudah alih (6.8 bilion) adalah menghampiri angka penduduk dunia, dengan 40% daripada orang di dunia sudah talian. Dalam persekitaran baru ini, daya saing ekonomi bergantung kepada keupayaan mereka untuk memanfaatkan teknologi baru. Berikut adalah lima kesan ekonomi biasa ICT.
1. Mewujudkan peluang pekerjaan langsung
Sektor ICT, dan dijangka kekal, salah satu daripada majikan terbesar. Di Amerika Syarikat sahaja, kerja komputer dan teknologi maklumat dijangka berkembang sebanyak 22% sehingga tahun 2020, mencipta 758.800 pekerjaan baru. Di Australia, membina dan menjalankan baru Rangkaian Jalur Lebar Kebangsaan super cepat akan menyokong 25,000 pekerjaan setiap tahun. Sememangnya, pertumbuhan dalam segmen yang berbeza adalah tidak sekata. Di Amerika Syarikat, bagi setiap kerja dalam industri berteknologi tinggi, lima pekerjaan tambahan, secara purata, yang diwujudkan dalam sektor-sektor lain. Pada tahun 2013, pasaran teknologi global akan berkembang sebanyak 8%, mewujudkan peluang pekerjaan, gaji dan pelbagai pelebaran perkhidmatan dan produk.
2. Sumbangan kepada pertumbuhan KDNK
Penemuan daripada pelbagai negara mengesahkan kesan positif ICT kepada pertumbuhan. Sebagai contoh, peningkatan sebanyak 10% dalam penembusan jalur lebar dikaitkan dengan peningkatan 1.4% dalam pertumbuhan KDNK dalam pasaran baru. Di China, jumlah ini boleh mencapai 2.5%. Menggandakan data mudah alih menggunakan disebabkan oleh peningkatan dalam sambungan 3G meningkatkan KDNK kapita kadar pertumbuhan per sebanyak 0.5% di peringkat global. Internet mencakupi 3.4% daripada keseluruhan KDNK di beberapa negara. Kebanyakan kesan ini adalah didorong oleh e-dagang - orang pengiklanan dan menjual barangan secara online.
3. Kemunculan perkhidmatan dan industri baru
Banyak perkhidmatan awam telah menjadi boleh didapati dalam talian dan melalui telefon bimbit. Peralihan kepada pengkomputeran awan adalah salah satu trend utama untuk pemodenan. Kerajaan Moldova adalah salah satu daripada negara-negara pertama di Eropah Timur dan Asia Tengah untuk memindahkan kerajaannya infrastruktur IT ke dalam awan dan melancarkan mudah alih dan e-perkhidmatan untuk rakyat dan perniagaan. ICT telah membolehkan kemunculan sektor yang baru: industri aplikasi. Kajian menunjukkan bahawa aplikasi Facebook sahaja mewujudkan lebih 182,000 pekerjaan pada tahun 2011, dan nilai agregat ekonomi app Facebook melebihi $ $ 12 bilion.
4. Transformasi Tenaga Kerja
Baru "microwork" platform, yang dibangunkan oleh syarikat-syarikat seperti Odesk, Amazon dan Samasource, membantu untuk membahagikan tugas kepada komponen-komponen kecil yang kemudiannya boleh disalurkan kepada pekerja kontrak. Kontraktor yang sering berpangkalan di negara-negara membangun. Platform Microwork membolehkan usahawan untuk mengurangkan kos dengan ketara dan mendapat akses kepada pekerja-pekerja yang layak. Pada tahun 2012, Odesk sahaja mempunyai lebih 3 juta kontraktor berdaftar yang melakukan 1.5 juta tugas. Trend ini mempunyai kesan limpahan ke atas industri-industri lain, seperti sistem pembayaran dalam talian. ICT juga telah menyumbang kepada peningkatan keusahawanan, menjadikannya lebih mudah untuk permulaan diri untuk mengakses amalan terbaik, maklumat undang-undang dan peraturan, pemasaran dan sumber pelaburan.
5. Inovasi perniagaan
Di negara-negara OECD, lebih daripada 95% perniagaan yang mempunyai kehadiran dalam talian. Internet menyediakan mereka dengan cara-cara baru mendekati pelanggan dan bersaing untuk bahagian pasaran. Sejak beberapa tahun kebelakangan ini, media sosial telah mengukuhkan kedudukannya sebagai alat pemasaran yang kuat. Alat ICT yang digunakan dalam syarikat-syarikat membantu memperkemaskan proses perniagaan dan meningkatkan kecekapan. Ledakan pernah berlaku sebelum peranti yang bersambung di seluruh dunia telah mencipta cara-cara baru untuk perniagaan untuk berkhidmat kepada pelanggan mereka.
source ; http://forumblog.org/2013/04/five-ways-technology-can-help-the-economy/#__sid=0
Jenguk2 Sang Pengupas Manifesto Terbaik
Yes, but the question is how?
malaysia-today.net | Apr 8th 2013
Let us discuss the salient points in these two Election Manifestos, though not in order of priority or importance (since each person will have different priorities on what they expect from life). And the first item would be the issue of abuse of power, corruption, cronyism, nepotism, mismanagement of the country’s wealth, and so on.
THE CORRIDORS OF POWER
Raja Petra Kamarudin
I have been observing with interest without much comment since the announcement of the dissolution of Parliament and thought that maybe today I would write something as food-for-thought for Malaysia Today’s readers.
...... .
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Anyway, that is not the point of what I want to say today. What I do want to talk about is the promises made in the run-up to the coming general election, which some call Election Manifesto and some call Akujanji (I promise).
There appears to be some confusion or misunderstanding about the meaning and implication of an Election Manifesto. In the past, the Bahasa Malaysia translation of Election Manifesto was Manifesto Pilihanraya. Now that it is being called Akujanji makes it even more confusing, especially since Tan Sri Khalid Ibrahim, the Selangor Menteri Besar, said that an Election Manifesto is not a promise.
The voters need to be told whether this is a firm commitment or merely an aspiration. And they also need to be told that there is a difference. For example, I aspire to become rich but since I am unemployed and am surviving on welfare that aspiration will remain unrealised. However, if I borrow a million dollars from the bank and I invest this million together with another million of my own money into a business that can turn water into oil, then definitely that aspiration will become reality.
The thing is, I may aspire, but the question is how do I plan to meet that aspiration? That is what appears missing in these election promises being made by both sides of the political divide.
Hindraf says that Pakatan Rakyat stole their Manifesto while Pakatan Rakyat says that Barisan Nasional stole theirs. In that case I need not address the Pakatan Rakyat and Barisan Nasional Election Manifestos separately since both are duplicates of each other.
Let us discuss the salient points in these two Election Manifestos, though not in order of priority or importance (since each person will have different priorities on what they expect from life). And the first item would be the issue of abuse of power, corruption, cronyism, nepotism, mismanagement of the country’s wealth, and so on.
Now, while everyone claims that reducing or eliminating corruption is going to be one area of priority, can we be told how this is going to be done? The aspiration of attacking corruption is commendable. How we are going to achieve that is more important.
For example, are we going to send convicted corrupt government officials and politicians to the firing squad like they do in China? Or are we going to execute them by chopping off their heads like in Saudi Arabia? Or maybe cut of their hands like in Afghanistan?
You see: corrupt people do not fear God. In fact, they may not even believe in God. Hence it is pointless to try to put the fear of God in them. We need a stronger fear factor. And a bullet in their head or their head chopped off or their limbs severed may be a stronger deterrent to corruption.
And how do we gain a conviction? Most times, just from their lavish lifestyle, we know these people are corrupt. But to prove it in court is another thing. Less than 1% of corrupt people actually get sent to jail. Can we, therefore, do what they do in Iran (or used to do back in the days of the Revolution of 1979)? In Iran, they torture (or tortured) suspects to gain a confession and after they confess to these crimes these people are executed.
So you see, we need to know the modus operandi that is going to be applied. Having an aspiration to reduce or eliminate corruption is one thing. Being able to achieve it is another thing altogether. So we need to know how this is going to be achieved. And that is missing from the election promises.
The next thing is about the people’s welfare. This, of course, would involve a few things such as education, health, safety, quality of life, and so on. We will need details on how the people’s welfare is going to be taken care of. And if we talk about change then we need to be brave (plus honest) and talk about a paradigm shift. And if we are not brave enough in committing ourselves to this ‘revolutionary change’ then nothing much is going to change.
I have written about all these issues more than once in the past so I do not think I need to repeat myself here. Nevertheless, at the risk of boring you with the ‘same old story’, allow me to summarise the issues as briefly as I can (and being brief is not something within my nature, as you may well be aware).
Will all Malaysian citizens irrespective of race, religion and gender be guaranteed a place in school, college and university?
Will all Malaysian citizens irrespective of race, religion and gender be guaranteed financial assistance to attend school, college and university if they deserve and require financial assistance?
Will the poverty level be reset at a more realistic level -- say RM2,000 for the big towns and cities and RM1,500 for the rural areas -- and will all those families living below this poverty level be guaranteed financial assistance to attend school, college and university if they deserve and require financial assistance?
Will a National Health Trust be set up so that all Malaysian citizens can receive good and free healthcare even in private hospitals, the cost to be borne by the National Health Trust?
Now, these are just some of the issues and certainly not the only ones. However, to me, education, health and the safety and welfare of our citizens take priority over all other issues. Hence we need a strong welfare, education and healthcare system to achieve this. And of course someone has to pay for this ‘welfare state’, if that is what you would like to call it.
Petronas brings in billions in revenue. The states receive only 5% of this while 95% goes to the federal government. Say the states’ share is increased to 20%, as what Pakatan Rakyat promises. Can, say, 5% be paid to a National Health and Education Trust so that all Malaysian citizens living below the poverty level can receive free education and healthcare without exception?
A law can be passed in Parliament, say called the National Trust Act, where Petronas, by Act of Parliament, pays 5% of its oil revenue to this Trust. This National Trust then pays for the cost of education and healthcare to those registered with the Welfare Department. They are then given a National Trust Registration Number where with this they can qualify for free education and healthcare.
Of course, we need to fine-tune the mechanics to weed out those who do not qualify or who no longer qualify because their income has already exceeded the poverty level. Whatever it may be, the system must be colour-blind. If you deserve it you get it, never mind what race, religion and gender you may be. And that would automatically make the New Economic Policy irrelevant without even needing to officially abolish it.
Note that the points above are just examples of some of the issues and in no way make the list complete. If I want to cover every issue then this piece needs to run into 20 pages. Nevertheless, I trust this demonstrates the point I am trying to make in that the aspirations in the Election Manifesto is only the skeleton and what we now need to see is some meat on that skeleton.
Jenguk2 Sang Pengupas Manifesto 2.
Raining on BN, PR parade, analysts say manifestos lack how-to’s and policies
Analysts The Malaysian Insider spoke to agreed that both coalitions are taking a populist, vote-buying approach in their manifestos, addressing issues they see as being important enough to swing the votes of the “kingmakers” in what has been tipped to be the closest election fight in the country’s history.
“Both sides are a bit short on how they are going to deliver,” Prof Dr Andrew Aeria, from Universiti Malaysia Sarawak (UNIMAS), told The Malaysian Insider.
“On the part of BN, it’s simply because they haven’t taken a manifesto seriously for a long time... They keep throwing out gifts and lollipops and instant noodles right, left and centre. At ceramahs, instead of talking about their manifesto they bash the other side,” he said.
“On the part of Pakatan, I suspect they have very limited resources and are unable to put forward more ideas. I get the impression that the PR manifesto is the work of a small group of people who suffer the limitations of resources. Intellectual resources, not just money,” he added.
Dr Sivamurugan Pandian, a political scientist at Universiti Sains Malaysia (USM), disagrees: “PR is not clear on how they will implement their manifesto. For BN, I think they have already shown how they have done it.”
The BN manifesto lays out what the caretaker government has achieved in the past four years before laying out its intentions for the new term if re-elected.
However, Aeria sees the BN manifesto as one full of rhetoric that does not reflect reality.
“The one that really jumps out in the BN manifesto is ‘scourge of corruption’. When people read that and I read that, I roll my eyes. You’ve got to be kidding me. It’s an insult to our intelligence,” he said.
“Both of them also lack a policy direction for the long term and sustainable solutions to address the economic, social and political issues in the country,” Dr Faisal Hazis, a Kuching-based political scientist, told The Malaysian Insider.
“For example, what kind of policy do we want for our economy? Laissez-faire state or welfare state?” he said.
Aeria also provided suggestions for what the manifestos should have included: “There are a lot of goodies being given out on both sides. But what is our current debt level? How are we going to finance it? How are we going to overcome the rising debt of the country?”
However, he said the PR manifesto at least points out the key problems facing the country, such as corruption and the lack of democracy.
Faisal agrees: “At least Pakatan tries to address the structural problems of the country in its manifesto, though they obviously sprinkle in some populist solutions as well.”
He points out that both BN and PR recognise the importance of Sabah and Sarawak to voters in light of recent revelations on Project IC and Tan Sri Abdul Taib Mahmud’s alleged involvement in illegal land deals in Sarawak.
He also said that both coalitions are appealing to the same groups of voters like taxi drivers, women and youths, who may turn out to be kingmakers in the upcoming elections.
“In the end, what’s important is what the fencesitters will be attracted to,” Sivamurugan said.
09 April, 2013
BHGN 2: HALATUJU KOTA BELUD SELEPAS PRU13 : CADANGAN RESOLUSI UNTUK KEBAIKAN KOTA BELUD
- KOTA BELUD : ERA PASCA UMNO :
- ERA TUN MAHATHIR
- ERA TUN ABDULLAH
- ERA DATUK SERI NAJIB
- PERMASALAHAN SEBENAR KOTA BELUD DARI SUDUT PENULIS: KEPERLUAN KUALITI KEPIMPINAN YANG MENEPATI CITARASA SEMASA MASYARAKAT KOTA BELUD DAN AGENDA NASIONAL
- RESOLUSI KRITERIA KEPEMIMPINAN BARU KOTA BELUD SELEPAS PRU-13 DAN MENUJU WAWASAN 2020
- ERA: TUN MAHATHIR
- Wawasan 2020 dan kemasukan UMNO ke Sabah
- Rujukan:
- ERA: TUN ABDULLAH
- Sabah Development Corridor
- Rujukan
- ERA: DATUK SERI NAJIB
- Model Ekonomi Baru: GTP & ETP
- Rujukan:
- PEMIMPIN BARU KOTA BELUD WAJIB ‘BERILMU’, ‘BERWAWASAN’, MEMPUNYAI TAHAP ‘INTELEK’ YANG TINGGI DI SALUTI DENGAN ASAS PENGETAHUAN ‘ISLAM’ YANG MENDALAM BUKAN SAHAJA SEBAGAI SENJATA MENGHARUNGI CABARAN ‘YANG BERKHIDMAT’ DALAM KONTEKS POLITIK KOTA BELUD YANG MENCABAR MALAH MEMAHAMI DAN MENTERJEMAHKAN SETIAP AGENDA PEMBANGUNAN NASIONAL YANG TELAH GARISKAN DAN MEMPUNYAI KAPASITI MENCORAK HALA-TUJU YANG DI INGINKAN RAKYAT
- PEMIMPIN BARU KOTA BELUD 'PERLULAH ‘MESRA-RAKYAT’ MERENTASI SEMUA SUKU KAUM KDM, BAJAU – SAMA, IRANUN DAN SUKU KAUM LAIN DI KOTA BELUD, DAN PERLU MEMAHAMI DAN MENDENGARI RINTIHAN RAKYAT KOTA BELUD DAN BERSIKAP TERBUKA DALAM MENERIMA PENDAPAT DAN TEGURAN YANG MEMBINA.
- PEMIMPIN BARU KOTA BELUD PERLULAH MEMPUNYAI PENGALAMAN ‘POLITIK’ DAN JUGA PENGALAMAN ‘PENTADBIRAN WAKIL RAKYAT’ ATAU YANG SETARAF DENGANNYA KERANA REALITI ‘EKSPERIMEN’ DAN ‘IMPORT’
HANYA AKAN MENGAKIBATKAN KEGAGALAN BERTERUSAN LEBIH-LEBIH LAGI DALAM REALITI MENGGAPAI STATUS NEGARA MAJU
- PEMIMPIN BARU KOTA BELUD ‘WAJIB’ – CUKUP AKAN KEKUATAN ‘EKONOMINYA’ AGAR DAPAT MENYISIHKAN ELEMEN ‘KORUPSI’ DALAM PERJUANGANNYA SEBAGAI WAKIL RAKYAT, ISTILAH ‘RUKUT-RUKUT’ HANYA AKAN MELAMBATKAN PEMBANGUNAN DAN HALA-TUJU PROGRAM SEPERTI ETP, MALAH AKAN MENJADI PENYEBAB DAN REALITI INI SENDIRI SAUDARA-SAUDARI ALAMI.
- PEMIMPIN BARU KOTA BELUD PERLULAH BERANI, BUKAN SAHAJA BERANI MEMBAWA AGENDA YANG SEPATUTNYA DI NIKMATI OLEH RAKYAT KOTA BELUD, MALAH BERANI DALM KONTEKS PENYAMPAIAN KATA-KATA YANG BERUNSUR JANJI DI KALANGAN RAKYATNYA DAN SEHARUSNYA ISTILAH MEYALAHKAN RAKYAT TIADA DALAM KAMUS ‘AMANAHNYA’ SEBAGAI PEMIMPIN.
KOTA BELUD : ERA PASCA UMNO
Persoalannya sekarang, di manakah Kota Belud dalam menepati realiti masyarakat membangun atau 'Negara Membangun' pada tahun 2020?
PERMASALAHAN SEBENAR KOTA BELUD DARI SUDUT PENULIS: KEPERLUAN KUALITI KEPIMPINAN YANG MENEPATI CITARASA SEMASA MASYARAKAT KOTA BELUD DAN AGENDA NASIONAL
website: http://www.iium.edu.my/enmjournal/index.php/enmj/article/view/176
Muat-turun : http://www.iium.edu.my/enmjournal/index.php/enmj/article/view/176/145
Dan penulis artikel mencadangkan yang berikut sebagai panduan utama dalam merealisasikan Wawasan 2020, (m/s 48):
“The present research is carried out to gauge the progress made to achieve Malaysian V-2020. On the basis of people’s feedback and the QFD and AHP joint exercise, a number of recommendations are also put forward. In general, people of the nation feel that many more things need to be done before Malaysia can declare herself a developed nation. It is not only in economical aspect, but also the country needs to pay serious attention to human resource development – especially prevention of crime and corruption from all levels of the greater society. In fact, from the ranks of the challenges, the most crucial one is found to be ‘Establishing a fully moral and ethical society’. The survey respondents suggested that the government should play a dual role in one hand, the government should play its traditional role in strengthening the economy, ensuring quality education to its people and maintain law and order, on the other hand, it should make the people ready to face the challenges ahead and take the necessary steps to address them successfully”
RESOLUSI KRITERIA KEPEMIMPINAN BARU KOTA BELUD SELEPAS PRU-13 DAN MENUJU WAWASAN 2020
NANTIKAN SAMBUNGAN BHGN – 3.PERSOALANNYA, WUJUDKAH INDIVIDU SEPERTI YANG DICIRIKAN DI ATAS ATAU SEKURANG-KURANGNYA MEMENUHI 80% KRITERIA KEPIMPINAN DI KOTA BELUD KINI?
05 April, 2013
HALATUJU KOTA BELUD SELEPAS PRU13 – MERUNGKAI PERMASALAHAN DAN KELUHAN RAKYAT P169 KOTA BELUD
- MINGGU-MINGGU TERAKHIR PRU-13
- MENGAPA KOTA BELUD PERLU BERUBAH SELEPAS PRU-13
- KEDUDUKAN SEMASA BN DAN REALITI KEBANGKITAN PR
- MERUNGKAI PERMASALAHAN SEBENAR BERDASARKAN PENELITIAN PEMIKIRAN RASIONAL
MINGGU-MINGGU TERAKHIR PRU-13
- SPR - untuk tarikh pilihanraya, dan
- Kepimpinan BN dan PR - Detik yang paling ditunggu-tunggu adalah pengumuman barisan calon BN dan juga PR.
MENGAPA KOTA BELUD PERLU BERUBAH SELEPAS PRU-13:
“Maka, berdasarkan pada kadar kemiskinan dan beberapa penunjuk berkaitan kemiskinan lain pada tahun 2009, Sabah sememangnya negeri termiskin di Malaysia dan jauh ketinggalan dari segi "soft and hard infrastructure". Kadar kemiskinan Sabah pada paras 19.7% atau 19.2% jika digabungkan dengan Labuan adalah yang tertinggi di Malaysia, lebih lima kali ganda kadar kemiskinan nasional pada 3.8% atau empat kali ganda kadar kemiskinan Kelantan yang digembar-gemburkan oleh PM Najib sebagai negeri negeri termiskin di Malaysia. Malah, kemiskinan di kalangan etnik minoriti di Sabah adalah lebih teruk pada paras 22.8% berbanding dengan hanya 6.4% di negeri jirannya, Sarawak. Kesempitan hidup lebih mencengkam di kawasan jauh daripada kota dan bandar di Sabah di mana kadar kemiskinan luar bandar sangat tinggi pada paras 35%.
- bekalan elektrik kepada hampir satu pertiga (23%) daripada masyarakat luar bandar Sabah berbanding hanya 0.5% peratus sahaja masyarakat luar bandar di Semenanjung Malaysia yang masih belum menikmati kemudahan elektrik;
- bekalan air bersih atau air yang telah dirawat kepada hampir separuh (47.7%) daripada masyarakat luar bandar di Sabah sedangkan hanya 10% daripada masyarakat luar bandar di Semenanjung Malaysia yang kurang bernasib baik tanpa akses kepada air bersih;
- peluang pekerjaan sesuai pada paras pendapatan yang mencukupi untuk menampung kos sara hidup terutamanya bagi warga belia.
Jika diambil kira purata pendapatan kasar isirumah pada tahun 2009 sebanyak RM3,144 bagi Sabah dan Labuan, PGK pada kadar 60% akan melonjak kepada RM1,886.4 bagi Sabah dan Labuan berbanding RM1,048, sekaligus menjerumuskan lebih ramai lagi rakyat Sabah ke dalam kancah kemiskinan. Jurang antara kaya dan miskin melebar atau ketidaksamaan ekonomi merosot di Sabah dan Labuan di mana pekali Gini telah meningkat kepada 0.453 pada 2009 berbanding 0.450 pada 2007 atau 0.448 pada tahun 1999! – sumber – http://www.merdekareview.com
KEDUDUKAN SEMASA BN DAN REALITI KEBANGKITAN PR
vs- Akses kepada media alternatif selain Saluran 1,2 dan 3
- Kebangkitan anak muda yang mula mempersoalkan agenda orang muda dan keberkesanan perlaksanaan program kerajaan di peringkat Kota Belud
- Pendekatan Isu-isu popular seperti yang dibangkitkan oleh parti-parti PR jauh dari Tanah Semenanjung seperti:
- Isu Kemudahan Prasaranan asas - Air
- Isu Pendidikan –PTPTN
- Isu Lahad Datu - PATI
- Pendekatan pihak BN peringkat tempatan terutamanya di media sosial, dalam menangani atau menjawab isu-isu yang dibangkitkan oleh pihak PR adalah lemah malah sebaliknya membangkitkan lagi keyakinan golongan atas pagar
MERUNGKAI PERMASALAHAN SEBENAR BERDASARKAN PENELITIAN DAN PEMIKIRAN RASIONAL
‘Di Kota Belud, kebangkitan rakyat terhadap sokongan PR bukanlah disebabkan isu-isu yang dipasarkan oleh PR, akan tetapi lebih menjurus kepada rasa tidak puas hati rakyat terhadap kelemahan barisan kepimpinan tempatan yang masih ‘melekat’ dengan pemikiran atau style lama menyebabkan ‘kemuakan’ rakyat yang melampau dan mencari ruang untuk melepaskan rasa ketidakpuasan hati mereka, dan kehadiran barisan alternatif ‘bagaikan sudah mengantuk di surung bantal’
- Perkara 20 tetapi isu ?
- Jelapang Padi tetapi isu?
- PTI – 800,000 orang tapi isu ?
- Pengangguran belia tetapi ?
Jawapan berdasarkan pandangan saya akan saya hujahkan di episod seterusnya, sebagai ‘klu’ kepada soalan di atas –
‘Ketakutanakan kehilangan kuasa dan harta sehingga asas pemikiran dan keputusan akal di pesongkan ke arah ‘tidak benar’’
nantikan sambungan seterusnya…..BHGN 2: CADANGAN RESOLUSI UNTUK KEBAIKAN KOTA BELUD
03 April, 2013
PRU-13: KENAPA DARD TIDAK LAGI RELEVAN DI P169 - KOTA BELUD
04 Mac, 2013
Between a fluid region and a hard
Between a fluid region and a hard state
by Farish A Noor, rappler.com
March 4th 2013 1:59 PM
Allow me to begin by stating categorically that I am a committed Southeast Asian-ist and a committed ASEAN-ist.
In my work as a lecturer I have constantly reminded my students of the constructed nature of Southeast Asia today, the relative newness of our political borders, and the newness of our nation-states. I have also emphasized the shared overlapping histories of the many diasporas that populate this complex and sometimes confounding archipelago of ours.
I long for the day when the people of Southeast Asia can see themselves as ASEAN citizens, but despite the fact that the ASEAN Community is almost upon us (by 2015), many of us in the region are still driven by primordial attachments to place, identity, language and culture.
It can be summed up thus: We Southeast Asians are caught between a fluid region and a hard state.
No matter how hard some of the hyper-nationalists among us may try, they cannot deny the fact that we share a common, interconnected history/histories. These histories often overlap, make contesting demands and claims, and contradict each other. But that is the nature of history as a discourse, for it is a narrative without a full-stop and is a discursive terrain that has to be looked at from a multiplicity of angles.
There can never be a final history to any area or subject, for as soon as we put the pen down, time marches on and we are forced to return and revise our settled assumptions.
For those who seek a happy panacea to their existential angst, history is not the remedy because every single historical claim can and will be contested by another.
That makes history a soft and unstable foundation for any political-economic claim, but thankfully it is also the reason why historians like me won’t be unemployed any time soon.
So much for fluidity and shifting historical parameters. Now comes the hard part: We Southeast Asians also happen to be living in the present-day postcolonial world of ASEAN, made up of nation-states that do what nation-states do: Compartmentalize, categorize, delimit and demarcate, fix boundaries and police them.
I have to state here that I am not a big fan of the postcolonial nation-state for the simple reason that in my opinion the post-colonial nation-state is simply the inheritor of the proclivities, bias, myopia and solipsism of the colonial state of the past.
Look around us in Southeast Asia today and what do we see, but postcolonial nation-states that continue to police their people, their borders, their identities and the very epistemology and vocabulary that frames our understanding of ourselves and the Other. Categories like "citizen" and "foreigner" are modern labels that we, Southeast Asians, have inherited from our colonial past along with dubious concepts like racial difference.
Contradiction
What, then, are we today? It would appear to me at least that we Southeast Asians are a hybrid, mongrel lot of communities and peoples with a complicated past.
On the one hand we still retain the residual traces of our primordial roots to land and sea that tell us that this region is our shared home. But we also happen to be modern citizen-subjects living under the modern regime of the racial census, the identity card, the passport and the national flag.
We cannot escape this contradiction because this is what our common history has bequeathed us today. We are modern Southeast Asian citizen-subjects who live in a region with a complex history that predates modernity, colonialism and the nation-state, and we cannot escape our past any more than we can escape our present.
But this contradiction is now manifest in what is happening in the East Malaysian state of Sabah. In the midst of the chest-thumping, saber-rattling jingoism and hyper-nationalism we see rising in both Philippines and Malaysia today, we ought to take a step back and look at ourselves honestly in the face.
It seems that what is confronting us now is a clash between the modern state, driven as it is by its modernist logic of governmentality; and the primordial attachment of some people to land and space that exceeds the confines of temporality and space.
What has happened is that a group of non-state actors, namely those who claim to be the descendants of the Sultan of Sulu, have unilaterally and without the consent of the government of the Philippines, entered into the territory of another state – Malaysia – bearing arms and demanding their right to settle there.
Both the Malaysian and Philippine state are at a loss as to what to do, for both states are now forced to deal with a non-state actor that does not play by the rules of the modern state.
Such a situation can be extended hypothetically in a million directions: What if a bunch of Malaysian citizens unilaterally entered Singapore and claimed it on the grounds that it was formerly a part of the Malay kingdom of Johor? What if a bunch of Thais entered northern Malaysia and claimed the state of Kelantan on the grounds that it was formerly part of the Siamese kingdom?
The possibilities are endless, and dizzying to boot- but the problem would remain the same: How should a state or states deal with non-state actors?
Reviewing history
Two historical details ought to be brought into play at this point:
The first is that the history of Sabah itself ought to be foregrounded at this stage, as Philippine and Malaysian nationalists have failed to ask what do the people of Sabah think about this.
Let us note that Sabah was never an empty space that was passed on from one power to another. In the past, Sabah came under the domination of the Kingdom of Brunei, and it was Brunei that then gifted parts of Sabah to the Kingdom of Sulu, and it was both the kingdoms of Brunei and Sulu that then passed it on to the British North Borneo Company. But Sabah has its own past, its own history and its own people - who seem to have been left out of the discussion altogether.
The indigenous people of Sabah happen to be the Kadazandusuns and the Muruts, who consist of the Bonggis (Banggi island, Kudat), the Idaan/Tindals (Tempasuk, Kota Belud), the Dumpaas Kadazans (Orang Sungai, Kinabatangan), the Bagahaks (Orang Sungai, also Kinabatangan), the Tombinuo and Buludupis Kadazans (Orang Sungai, also Kinabatangan), the Kimaragang Kadazans (Tandek and Kota Marudu), the Liwans (Ranau and Tambunan), the Tangaah Kadazans (Panampat and Papar), the Rungus (Matunggong and Kudat), the Tatanah Kadazans (Kuala Penyu), the Lotuds (Tuaran), the Bisayas (Beaufort), the Tidongs (Tawau) and the Kedayans (Sipitang). Then there are the Muruts who consist of the Nabais, Piluans, Bokans, Taguls, Timoguns, Lundayehs, Tangaras, Semambus, Kolors and Melikops.
These are the indigenous communities of Sabah, and if anyone has a right to the land of Sabah it ought to be them. Nobody denies that Bruneians, Suluks, Ilanuns, Bugis, Malays, Chinese, Indians, Arabs and other communities have resided in Sabah too in the past, but the latter came from other kingdoms and polities, and in the case of the Bruneians and Suluks of Sulu, they also happened to be outsiders who imposed their dominance over the indigenous people of Sabah.
This brings me to the second point I want to make: It has to be remembered that both Brunei and Sulu held sway over Sabah as a territory under their dominion, in a manner that seems more akin to the way the British North Borneo company held sway over Sabah from the 1880s to 1940s.
When the descendants of the Sultan of Sulu claim to "own" Sabah today, what exactly does this deed of ownership entail and mean? Does it signify Sulu’s former political dominance over a territory that was gifted to it by another domineering power? If so, then how is this any different from making a colonial claim over a land whose people may not even recognize Sulu’s right to govern over them?
It is ironic that while the self-proclaimed Sultan of Sulu bemoans his loss of dominance, nobody (not even the Sultan) has asked if the Kadazandusuns, Muruts and other indigenous people of Sabah want to live under his dominion. Furthermore, it seems to only underscore the fact that Sulu’s claim (like Brunei’s and Britain’s) was that of an external polity claiming a territory that was not part of their homeland proper.
Cosmopolitan Sabah
None of this alters the fact that Sabah has always been, and remains, an extraordinarily cosmopolitan space where cultures and peoples overlap and share common lives and interests. In comparison to other parts of Malaysia, for instance, Sabahan society retains its fluid and dynamic identity until today.
In Sabah it is not uncommon to come across indigenous families where the siblings happen to be Muslim and Christian, all living under the same roof and celebrating Muslim and Christian festivals together. Sabah society also seems more decentered compared to other communities in the region: The Kadazandusuns do not have a concept of Kingship, and instead govern themselves along the lines of communal leaders (Orang Kaya Kaya) and their symbolic grand leader called the "Huguan Siou."
So tolerant and open is Sabah society that inter-ethnic marriages are common, with Kadazandusuns and Muruts marrying Malays, Chinese, Arabs as well as Suluks, Bugis, Bajaos, Bruneians. It has been like this for hundreds of years; and I hasten to add that I actually grew up in Sabah between the years 1981 to 1984, and recall how open, eclectic and mobile Sabah society was then.
Sabahans have never had a problem with other communities settling there, and that is why we still see large numbers of Suluks, Bajaos, Malays and Chinese across the state, settling into mixed families or into smaller settlements. Furthermore Sabahans are attuned to the reality of living in a fluid archipelago, which is why its coastal settlements have always been transit points where people from abroad come in and out with ease.
Just before the Lahad Datu incident I was informed that a large number of Suluks had arrived for a wedding, and they came in without passports and visas, and left peacefully afterwards.
It has been like that in Sabah since my childhood. But my fear is that culture of openness and fluidity came to an untimely and graceless end when some of the followers of the Sultan of Sulu landed with guns and rocket-launchers.
Fluid borders only exist under one assumption: that the visitor is a friend, and not an aggressor. The moment guns come into the picture, the fluid border dries up and becomes hard.
Hardened borders, hardened hearts
I hate nationalism. I said at the beginning that I am a committed Southeast Asian-ist and ASEAN-ist, and this debacle in Sabah has not weakened my resolve, as both an academic and an activist, to work towards closer ASEAN integration.
Here in my institute in NTU, I see the faces of ASEAN every single day: My students come from Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, in fact all of ASEAN. Being childless myself, I regard them as my wards and responsibility and like all teachers I want them to succeed in the future. I also want them to succeed in an ASEAN region where every ASEAN citizen feels that the entire region is his or her home, a place he/she belongs to, a place where he/she would not feel like a foreigner.
But as I said at the beginning, we ASEAN citizens also live in the age of the modern nation-state, and there is no escaping the fact that we are modern citizen-subjects as well. Being caught between a fluid region and a hard modern state is not an existential crisis that we cannot resolve, for we can bring to the modern nation-state our subjective longings to see greater integration on a people-to-people level that takes the nation-state one step further.
Already we see that the modern nation-state is beginning to transcend itself in ASEAN: The communicative infrastructure that we have built – through roads, rail and cheap airline communications – means that more Southeast Asians are traveling, studying, working and living in different parts of the region than ever before.
Gone are the days when a Malaysian, Filipino or Singaporean would be born in his country, study in the same country, work and die in the same country. In the near future, we may well live to see the birth of the first ASEAN generation who are born in one country, study in another, work in another and die in another, all the while feeling that he or she is still at home, in Southeast Asia.
But for this to happen, we cannot bypass the nation-state entirely; for we need the nation-state in order to transcend the nation-state. We need the nation-state to evolve where it may one day accept the reality that its citizens have multiple origins, multiple destinies, multiple and combined loyalties.
We need to work towards an ASEAN future where our governments may come to accept our complex, confounding hyphenated identities as something normal, and not an anomaly; when someone who is Javanese-Dutch-Indian-Arab like me can claim to come from Indonesia, be born in Malaysia, work in Singapore and love the Philippines.
Ironically, this is the impasse we are at today: To revive our collective memory of a shared Southeast Asian past, we need to work with and through the nation-state as the dominant paradigm that governs international relations.
What we cannot and should not do is selectively appropriate history to make outlandish claims that further only our own limited ends, the way China has been doing by turning to its own China-centric history books in order to claim the South China Sea as theirs.
Such selectivity, be it in the case of China’s or the Sultan of Sulu’s, denies the fact that history will always remain contested by others. Unless we are prepared to accept that whatever view we have of the ASEAN region is only one of many views, and that we need to accept that multi-perspectivism is the only way to navigate ourselves on the choppy waters of history, we will remain forever trapped in our own myopic delusions.
At present, the Sabah impasse has stirred violent emotions among nationalists in Malaysia and the Philippines, with armchair tacticians talking of more violence.
Such idle talk is unbecoming of us, a people who share a complex history whose richness we ought to be celebrating instead. And my final appeal is this: End this incursion into Sabah for the sake of the Sabahans as well as Filipinos and Malaysians; for what this has done is engendered feelings of deep fear and distrust among the Sabahans who have for centuries been among the most open communities in the region.
The thousands of Suluks, Bugis, Bajaos and others who have settled in Sabah for decades have done so with relative ease, but no longer. The Sulu gunmen who landed in Sabah did not only bring their M-16s and rocket-launchers with them, but also the divisive dichotomy of "Self" and "Other/Foreigner," and the last thing this academic wants to see is yet another wall being built to divide Southeast Asians all over again. - Rappler.com
Dr Farish A Noor is Associate Professor at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies, NTU University Singapore. The opinions expressed here are his own and do not necessarily represent his institution.
All photos by the the author.
12 Februari, 2013
Best And Cleanest Polls For Sabah
Kota Kinabalu: Election Commission (EC) Chairman Tan Sri Abdul Aziz Mohd Yusof said Wednesday that the country presently has the "cleanest electoral roll because the Commission is tidying it up on a daily basis."
" Kota Kinabalu: Election Commission (EC) Chairman Tan Sri Abdul Aziz Mohd Yusof said Wednesday that the country presently has the "cleanest electoral roll because the Commission is tidying it up on a daily basis."
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